In the previous post, I discussed Lisa Feldman Barrett’s
critique of the “classical theory of emotions.” I covered reasons to reject the
idea that there is a simple set of crisply delimited, universal, basic emotions
or the idea that such emotions have universal modes of facial expression or
invariant physiological or neural “fingerprints.” In this post, I would like to
sketch Barrett’s positive account—of how the brain, in interaction with human
culture and the environment, constructs emotions.
A word is needed first, though, about the metaphor of
“construction.” It is a complex metaphor. It’s a metaphor that can pull us in
many different directions. It tugs at other none-too-crisp distinctions we are
familiar with, such as the distinction between finding something and making
something, or the distinction between simple parts versus complexes of many
different parts. It reminds of how we tend to think of some things as natural
and others as manufactured—or artificial, or somehow “cultural” as opposed to
just natural. And the metaphor implies purposive, i.e., goal-directed activity
that, like all such activity, can go awry. This reservoir of vague oppositions
can be mobilized in all sorts of combinations. In The Social Construction of
What?, Ian Hacking distinguishes at least six different levels of
“commitment” involved in claims that something is socially constructed (pp.
19-21). But of course social constructionism is not the only kind of
constructionism. Kant used the metaphor of construction with respect to the
relation between our cognitive capacities and the world. He was not a social
constructionist. Barret herself says she is drawing on social constructionism
but also psychological and neural constructionism (see my previous post).
Here is more or less what I take to be Barrett’s view:
emotions are built out of simpler elements, affects (construction as
complexes), which can be organized differently. They can remain as simple
affects for us, or be organized as physical symptoms or perceptions. To
organize affects as emotions, we need concepts, categorizations drawn from past
experience (construction as manufacturing). Concepts are largely, although not
exclusively, acquired through language and socialization (construction as
culture); at very least, language greatly enlarges and speeds up the
acquisition of emotion concepts. In turn, concepts are purposive. We impose
categories on our affects for the sake of purposes or goals, in much the same
way that we use categorization to further our goals in other areas of life
(construction as purposive). (Illustration from a few hours before writing
this: I explain to my child that sticks are an “outdoor toy,” thereby deploying
and thus teaching my child a new concept for the sake of preventing my child
from bringing certain objects indoors.) To be clear, this process is rarely
straightforward or voluntary in any simple sense—although Barrett is also at
pains, in her chapter “Emotions and the Law,” to criticize the view that our
emotions simply take us over and rob us our agency. Constructing a certain
affective experience as sadness or guilt is rarely something we can just
consciously, deliberately choose to do.
To be clear, then, this is not an unmasking project, as one
might find in some but not all sorts of social constructionism (again, see
Hacking’s taxonomy of levels of commitment). Barrett is not denying the
existence of emotions.
Barrett’s constructionism depends on two underlying theses.
First, the brain basically functions in a predictive rather than reactive
manner. Experience is largely a simulation, not a representation, of the
world around us and ourselves. What we experience is a prediction of how things
stand, a prediction that is corrected after the fact. When I see objects around
me or experience pain in my shoulder, I am not receiving or registering an
external reality; I am predicting what it will be like. We evolved to have
predictive rather than receptive brains because the predictive model is much
more metabolically efficient (pp. 59-65).
To be clear, experience is not just our simulations. There is a
mechanism for feedback from the environment (internal or external). Experience
can be understood as cycling through a “prediction loop” of prediction,
simulation, comparison, error resolution, and further prediction. At various
times of day or in various mental states, we may be all prediction and no
comparison or error resolution, or we may be totally locked in prediction error
without much ability to get back into prediction (p. 65). Different forms of
illness, such as psychotic disorders, depression, chronic pain, or
neurodevelopmental difficulties may all perhaps arise from imbalances in this
prediction loop.
The second thesis is that emotion is intimately connected to
interoception, or process of representing one’s own internal states,
such as organs, tissues, hormones, and the immune system. From the predictive
perspective, emotion emerges in relation to interoceptive predictions, which
can be thought of as a kind of “budgeting”—predicting how much energy various
systems in the body will need. For example, if the brain predicts a sudden,
urgent need for energy, the adrenal gland will be prompted to release cortisol.
There is an “interoceptive network” in the brain (p. 67), which “controls your
body, budgets your energy resources, and representations your internal
sensations, all at the same time” (p. 70). These interoceptive processes generate
affects. As with external experience, so too with interoception: our
experiences—our perceptions and affects—are simulations, with some process of
post-hoc checking on actual bodily needs.
Affect is the basic building block, so to speak, of emotion. Affect has two dimensions, valence (pleasant or unpleasant) and arousal level (calm or agitated). Barrett draws on psychologist James Russell’s notion of an “affective circumplex” to represent different possible affective states. I believe this is Russell’s original affective circumplex, which I lifted from here: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/emotion/. However, Barrett’s version (p. 74, figure 4-5) is a bit different since she eschews the more strictly emotion words:
Emotions are produced out of affect through concepts.
Although the metaphors Barrett uses draw on the “construction” register, I
myself might favor metaphors of interpretation. (Perhaps this is because Nietzsche
is a lurking philosophical influence for me; I am thinking of the famous
passages about meaning in the Second Treatise of the Genealogy of Morality.)
Barrett’s concepts are rapid, largely-automatic bundles of categorization and
prediction that are purposively organized, i.e., deployed for the sake of some
goal. Out of past experience, the brain, in tandem with one’s cultural
inheritance and what one has learned from one’s caregivers, generates
similarities on the basis of momentary goals.
These concepts are neither classical essences, categories
organized on the basis of necessary and sufficient conditions (BACHELOR =
unmarried man), nor prototypes, categories organized around some central
paradigmatic instance of a member of that category (BIRD = things that look like
robins). Rather, we construct concepts as needed, tailored-to-the-moment, as “populations
of diverse instances” organized around prototypical images generated just for
that moment. Concepts are extremely efficient ways of transmitting information
and organizing predictions. Barrett compares them to dehydrated vegetables that
our brain, so to speak, rehydrates as needed. Once a concept begins to be
deployed, it initiates a conceptual “cascade” of other predictions, which in turn,
especially with emotion concepts, are related to the interoceptive network and thus
trigger changes in movement, behavior, metabolism, immune functioning and so
on. We all have multiple predictions humming along at the same time, and a kind
of natural selection of concepts at any given moment occurs such that some
concepts hold sway over others (pp. 112-127).
Emotions, then, are but one way of categorizing—bundling together
for the sake of goals—affects and interoceptive experiences. Affects can also
become conceptualized as physical pain or other physical symptoms, perceptions,
or simply left as affects (84). As for the emotions, people can end up with
different levels of “emotional granularity” based on how many emotion concepts
they acquire. Moreover, different cultures make different emotion concepts
available. There are probably no universal emotions, and there are many
emotions in other cultures that have no equivalent in English (Chapter 7). “You
need an emotion concept in order to experience or perceive the
associated emotion” (p. 141). Even in the West, there has historically been
massive variation in the concepts used to characterize emotions—just think of
the older vocabulary of “sentiments” or “passions” that anyone trained in the
history of philosophy will know (pp. 148-149).
In the remainder of the book, Barrett lays out a “new view
of human nature” opposed to the old Platonic model of reason at war with the
passions (Chapter 8); discusses control of emotions, where, among other things,
she recommends learning new emotion concepts or making up your own and considers
the link between low emotional granularity and various mental disorders
(Chapter 9); explores the
link between emotion and stress, chronic illness, pain, and mental illness,
stressing that experiences of pain are also constructed on the basis of a
predictive process in the brain (Chapter 10); points out the many
misconceptions about emotion embedded in the U.S. legal system, and the racist
and sexist implications of these misconceptions (Chapter 11); and argues, in
effect, that dogs and apes have affect but probably do not have emotion
concepts and thus do not have emotions—even if, paradoxically, it may be
appropriate for us, on the basis of our own emotion concepts, to perceive them as
having emotions (Chapter 12).
There’s obviously a lot one could object to in Barrett’s
account of emotions. The claim that animals experience affect but not emotion
is likely to ruffle at least a few feathers…. But it does seem to follow ineluctably
from the position that concept use and intergenerational transmission thereof are
necessary features of emotions. I could see someone objecting that the whole
thing is too intellectualistic, even though Barrett’s “concepts” are hardly the
voluntary, deliberately-produced mental products of philosophical tradition. I
could see someone objecting that the book is too dismissive of animal studies,
such as the sort of evidence marshalled by Jaak Panksepp. I can also see more
nuanced and sympathetic objections that take issue with the finer points of the
account, such as the distinction between affect and emotion (is there really
such a bright line? In speaking of affects as basics, isn’t Barrett holding
onto a sort of residual belief in primary non-conceptual mental stuff? Etc.).
To be fair, I have seen interviews on YouTube in which Barrett stresses that
much of the book is a popularization and thus drastic simplification of what
she actually believes.
I would like to conclude by extracting a few implications
for the practice of psychotherapy. If Barrett is correct, then, to put things
simply, acquiring emotional granularity is the goal, and acquiring emotional
granularity is a lot like learning a new language (Barrett’s metaphor) or spending
a lot of time engaged with art (my preferred metaphor).
Therapists, mental health professionals more generally, and
educators, should foreswear speaking about emotion “recognition.” Pretty much
all evidence-based psychotherapies since CBT came on the scene involve a
psychoeducation component about emotions. If Barrett is right, such
psychoeducation is actually a matter of helping people acquire emotional “granularity,”
or finer-grained ways of making concepts around which to organize and interpret
their experiences. It is not a matter of recognizing some underlying reality. Learning
to “identify” or “recognize” one’s emotions is more like studying cinematic
technique, literary criticism, or art history than it is like studying botany. Categories
like “long take,” “Spike Lee double dolly shot,” “femme fatale,” “Black best
friend,” etc. are constructs that allow us to perceive things differently. You
don’t need them to watch a movie, but being able to talk about the role of the
Black best friend character in 1990s
teen movies, for example, allows you to do a lot of new things, categorize a
bunch of moments you might not have been able to categorize in a certain way
before, and do it all for the sake of new kinds of goals (e.g., social
criticism).
By analogy, then, learning to construct instances of
different emotion concepts, and to construct fine-grained ones, is more akin to
enlarging one’s experiences, acquiring new perspectives and horizons. To paraphrase
Walter Benjamin, then came the emotion concepts and burst the prison walls
asunder:
“By close-ups of the things around
us, by focusing on hidden details of familiar objects, by exploring common
place milieus under the ingenious guidance of the camera, the film, on the one
hand, extends our comprehension of the necessities which rule our lives; on the
other hand, it manages to assure us of an immense and unexpected field of
action. Our taverns and our metropolitan streets, our offices and furnished
rooms, our railroad stations and our factories appeared to have us locked up
hopelessly. Then came the film and burst this prison-world asunder by the
dynamite of the tenth of a second, so that now, in the midst of its far-flung
ruins and debris, we calmly and adventurously go traveling.”
As I learn how to speak not just of anger, but frustration,
vexation, irritation, aggravation, indignation, righteous fury, and so on, and
to apply these concepts to myself and others, I am not recognizing some thing that is just there, waiting to be discovered. I am acquiring the ability to
see my own and others’ experiences in a new way—and regulate my “body budget”
and set my goals in new ways.

Comments
Post a Comment